Highlights

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A leftist approach, however, would say that the job is not to have Black and brown people running the exploitation machine that crushes Black and brown workers, but to eliminate the exploitation.

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This is not to say that, so long as there is a “top,” the top should not be diverse, but that the best way to fight racial injustice is to look at what is actually being done to people of color and fight to stop it from happening

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union membership reduced racial resentment among white workers and made them more likely to support policies that benefit black Americans. Where writers like DiAngelo focus on the privilege that all whites, including the poorest, have, unions offer the prospect for multiracial organizing and the pursuit of collective gains.

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We can see why DiAngelo’s trainings work well in corporate settings. Nothing she says suggests that profits need to be sacrificed, andWhite Fragility does not demand that white people participate in a political movement that will readjust the balance of wealth and power in this country. This means that rather than fighting the racial status quo, it ends up supporting it, by encouraging changes of “hearts and minds” that will make the country feel less racist without really addressing the worst existing racial disparities in who owns or controls what.

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DiAngelo has explicitly said that she “avoid[s] critiquing capitalism” because “I don’t need to give people reasons to dismiss me.” Dismiss her they probably would, because she would be asking for a much more substantive and radical reevaluation of our country’s core values.

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It encourages white people to spend time thinking about themselves instead of fixing the central problem, which is that they do not care enough about other people’s lives to try to fix the system that destroys those lives